Economic Common Sense About Prescription Drugs
We have observed elsewhere that medical outlays in advanced
2000) provides some needed perspective on the public’s apparent
economies can be expected to increase both in absolute terms and as
alarm over drug expenditures. The following findings seem most
a percentage of GDP as a nation’s wealth increases. The reason is
that consumption for life’s other necessities is lower and that even
1. Total national expenditures on drugs ($91 billion) in 1998 are
costly medical technology becomes relatively more affordable. De-
still a small proportion (9%) of health care expenditures.
spite popular political notions that medical expenditures must be
2. Drug expenditures are, though, one of the fastest growing com-
limited to some preordained level (just as GDP growth must be
ponents of health spending. They were 5% of spending in 1995.
limited to some “sustainable” rate), there is no reason to suppose
3. As a percent of out-of-pocket expenditures by households for all
any natural limits on what a free and affluent population chooses to
consumer goods and services, drug expenditures are still very
small (1.0% overall, rising to 2.7% for seniors).
There is, however, reason to suppose that greater efficiencies in
4. Of the hefty increases in drug expenditures since 1993, price
the delivery of health care might be achieved even as health-care
changes have contributed the least (18%), compared with in-
spending in some categories increases. Today pharmaceutical therapy
creased utilization of existing drugs (43%) and new more-ex-
routinely provides effective treatment for many conditions that just
pensive drugs replacing older cheaper drugs (39%).
a few decades ago required costly surgery, hospitalization, and the
Thus the conventional view, which tends to equate increasing
like. It thus should come as no surprise that while hospital stays
drug expenditures with increasing drug prices, is far off the mark.
have dropped significantly over the past two decades, aggregate
Chart 1 shows the average annual rates at which the prices of vari-
outlays for prescription drug have increased markedly: in the aggre-
ous categories of prescription drugs (patented name brand drugs,
gate, the new drug therapies are cheaper and more effective.
generic drugs, and all existing drugs) rose between 1991 and 1998
It also is not surprising that the increased use of drugs has be-
in relation to the rise in all medical and all consumer prices. As
come one of the latest targets of political entrepreneurs. It seems
shown, the overall average 6.7 percent rate of drug price inflation
axiomatic that when the benefits of virtually any good or service
was more than double that of the overall CPI—but well below the
become widely apparent (as evidenced by sales in the marketplace),
15 percent rate at which expenditures increased. Moreover, the rate
they are ripe for political exploitation. As others have noted, the
of increase in the prices of generic and existing brand drug prices
original Medicare legislation almost surely would have contained
(6.5 and 4.3 percent, respectively) was even more moderate. The
prescription drug benefits had today’s drug therapy been available
difference between the increase in prices for existing drugs (4.3
then. Indeed, the public appetite for subsidized medical goods and
percent) and that of all brand name drugs (8.8 percent) is the addi-
services seems insatiable—but it is not without costs.
tional price rise each year associated with newly released, typically
Among the most firmly established tenets of market economics
better and more expensive, drugs. Drug expenditures increased more
is that subsidies of any sort—either to producers or con-sumers—tend variously to increase demand, generate
Chart 1: Average Annual Percent Change in Prescription Prices vs. CPI,
scarcities, and raise costs and/or prices and outlays. His-
1991-1998
torically, direct and indirect subsidies to producers havetaken many forms, including the creation of artificial
shortages (e.g., crop reduction subsidies) and related
price support schemes that have raised costs to consum-
ers—from grain storage programs to punitive tariffs on
any variety of imports. Consumer subsidies that increase
demand have the same effect. No good or service is
exempt from this circumstance. The outlays for pre-
scription drugs, which for many decades have been
heavily subsidized on the consumer side through both
private and public third-party payment arrangements and
on the producer side through regulation and indirect
research subsidies—are an emphatic case in point. Drug Expenditures: Rising Demand
A recent study by the Kaiser Family Foundation (July
Table 1: Top 20 Prescription Drugs Ranked by Dollar Sales Volume, 1998*
common chronic conditions wouldseem to guarantee continued demand.
($24 billion of the total $91 billion).
small range of therapeutic categories.
*Sources: Drug Prescriptions Sales, sales growth, Type and Date of First Marketing: Prescription Drug Trends — A
Chartbook,The Kaiser Family Foundation. 2000. Accessed at www.kff.org, July 2000. ** Source: Direct to Consumer
Advertising, quoted in millions of 1998 dollars, from Med Ad News, various tables, June 1999. B=Brand. G=Generic.
N/A= Not Among the products directly advertised to consumers according to the Med Ad News data.
great strides in the last two decades.
rapidly than prices because newer, more expensive drugs became
If effective drug treatments are developed to treat lower back pain,
available and because the absolute number of people consuming
the common cold, or unruly children, almost surely there will be
pharmaceuticals of any kind also increased. In short, it has been the
increased use of drugs rather than price changes that has mainly
Despite the attention given such brand name drugs, it is impor-
tant to note that they are not necessarily the most widely used drugs.
The surge in demand for pharmaceuticals shows no indication
Table 2 shows the most-used drugs as measured by the number of
of waning. Between 1992 and 1998, on a per capita basis the num-
prescriptions filled per year. There are many older, generic versions
ber of prescriptions dispensed increased from 7.3 to 9.6. And al-
of drugs in this list compared to the dollar volume leaders in Table 1.
though the U.S. population grew only 6 percent, total prescriptions
The usual life-cycle of a successful drug begins with marked sales
dispensed increased by 37 percent. In large part, this change simply
growth soon after introduction, and then generates high dollar-vol-
reflects the aging of the population, inasmuch as the elderly con-
ume sales until it is replaced by a competitor or its patent expires
sume more prescription drugs than other age cohorts (in 1997 on
(average effective drug patent life today is about 15 years) and
average there were between one and three prescriptions for those
lower-priced generic versions become available. Thus in the top
aged 5-34, but between eight and twelve for those age 65 and
Table 2: Top 20 Prescription Drugs Ranked by
That the overwhelming proportion of the population (77
Number of Dispensed Prescriptions, 1998*
percent of the non-Medicare and 69 percent of the Medicare
population) has some form of prescription drug insurance cov-
erage almost surely has also accelerated demand. As with all
health expenditures, when a third party payer is inserted be-
tween the patient and the health care service, there is a ten-
dency to use more of the service. Ironically, even the shift to
managed care types of coverage may have contributed to the
surge in drug outlays. Demand for drugs is influenced by the
number of physician visits (on average 60 percent of visits
result in a prescription) which have increased under managed
care programs the emphasize the importance of primary care
visits. The rhetoric of managed care specifically encourages
early and frequent primary care visits to manage chronic con-
ditions before they reach critical stages. Such chronic condi-
tions almost invariably are managed with drug treatments (al-
though in many instances simple changes in lifestyle would
accomplish the same purpose). That the current outcry about
drug price “gouging” frequently emanates from the managed
care planners themselves ought not conceal the fact that their
own policies have contributed to the alleged problem. In any
* Sources: Drug Prescriptions Dispensed, Type and Date of First Marketing: Prescription
event, there is no indication that consumer demand for pre-
Drug Trends — A Chartbook,The Kaiser Family Foundation. 2000. ** Source: Direct to
Consumer Advertising, quoted in millions of 1998 dollars, from Med Ad News, various
tables, June 1999. B=Brand. G=Generic. N/A = Not among the products directly advertised
Rather, the availability of drug treatments for the most
to consumers according to the Med Ad News data. Accessed at www.kff.org, July 2000.
“public funds” — say, food products obtained with food stamps or
Chart 2: Generic Drugs as a Percent of Prescriptions
Social Security benefits. And (although many might secretly han-
Dispensed and Percent of Total Annual Prescription Sales
ker to) no one has demanded a prohibition against the endless stream
in Dollars, 1991-1998
50 of tasteless commercials promoting various non-prescription nasal
sprays, laxatives, antacids, analgesics and the like. For those whoactually suffer from nasal congestion, constipation, indigestion, or
whatever, the information provided through advertising may be ofincalculable value to targeted consumers seeking relief from their
30 symptoms—and well worth its incremental costs. It is difficult to
see how prescription drugs differ in this respect. Rather, it is mainly
Percent of Total Annual Prescription Sales
in command economies that such advertising might be deemed genu-
20 inely superfluous. One is reminded of the popular Cold War comic
routine caricaturing Soviet game-show life: at the commercial break,
10 a tobacco pitchman would light up, take a puff, and in a satisfied
whisper intimate not only that this was the best cigarette brand in
twenty drugs by sales volume, 75 percent have been on the market
Moscow, it was the only cigarette brand in Moscow.
fewer than ten years (Table 1). Of the top twenty drugs by number
A more arguable concern involves false or, more often, mislead-
of prescriptions, only 45 percent have been on the market for fewer
ing advertising claims about the products being pitched and/or un-
ethical promotional campaigns directed at those with the power to
Furthermore, although different drugs have come and gone, this
prescribe. For example, even though it has been invoked endlessly
cycle has persisted over the last ten years. As shown in Chart 2, the
in behalf of any number of specific products (and technically may
percentage of generic prescriptions has been rising over this period,
be accurate), it is a matter of supposition that at some time or
even as generic drug expenditures as a percentage of total drug
another “four out of five doctors have recommended the ingredi-
expenditures has fallen. Contrary to conventional wisdom, these
ents” in virtually all patent medicines. And it stretches credulity
trends suggest not an increase, but rather a drop in prices for the
that this morning’s disheveled and nightgown-clad arthritis sufferer
increasing proportion of (generic) drugs consumed.
has been transfigured into tonight’s ballroom sensation as a result
This apparent circumstance would seem to bode well for the
of consuming an undisclosed quantity of Brand X painkillers.
future. As shown in the accompanying box, many currently popular
And so with advertising in general, whose main requirement is the
brand name drugs will cycle through to generics in the next five
emphatic absence of disinterest. Agencies that seek to promote their
years. If the established prescription drug life cycle persists, it can
clients’ products through even-handed appeals to reason soon go out
be expected that drug prices almost surely will come under increas-
of business. When questions of ethics are raised, in this arena one
ing pressure without any counter-market intervention (insurers three-
advertiser’s notions of honorable behavior become another’s barrier
tier pricing systems for covered drugs already reflect the type of
to competition. This behavior is scarcely new or extraordinary.
competitive buying pressure the drug companies are almost sure to
Throughout the development of the market economy, the pre-
face). As more and more drugs reach market “maturity,” doctors,
sumption had been that consumers have the responsibility to evalu-
patients, and insurers increasingly will be able to compare not just
ate the claims of producers—however entertaining or convincing
the value of the generic in relation to the brand name drug, but also
the pitch. Until quite recently, most schoolchildren probably knew
that of the older (less expensive) brand names in relation to the
the meaning of caveat emptor. The Regulatory Arm Drugs and Advertising
The question at hand is whether such “classical” notions pertain
Critics of the pharmaceutical industry observe that brand name
to medical goods—most especially drugs, which might seem to
drugs in the high dollar volume categories are also the most heavily
differ in key aspects from many other market goods. Unlike cars,
advertised drugs—as with, say, the hair loss reducer, Propecia, and
cereal brands, or athletic shoes the consumption of drugs can pro-
the anti-smoking agent, Zyban. Total advertising expenditures by
drug manufactures in 1998 amounted to $8.3 billion, of which$7 billion was spent on media advertising and “detailing” (of-
Box 1: Top Selling Brand Name Drugs
fice visits and samples) to health professionals. The remaining$1.3 billion was part of a relatively new effort, following a
with Patents Expiring 2000-2005
relaxation of FDA guidelines in 1997, to promote pharmaceuti-
cal products to the public through so called “direct-to-consumer”
promotions (shown in the last column of Tables 1 and 2). Insofar
as advertising costs are passed onto consumers as higher prices
for the products advertised, it is alleged that, in effect, a propor-
tion of publicly funded outlays for such drugs enriches Madison
Avenue instead of promoting patient health—and therefore is a
In this regard, a general observation may be useful: namely,
that in free market economies advertising is a principal means
by which information about different products and services is
made available to consumers. It is of incalculable benefit in
fostering competition and enabling informed choice among al-
ternatives. No one objects to advertising for a myriad of non-
pharmaceutical products that might be said to be purchased with
Among illegal substances, for example, the drugs that produce
can consumers, who in most other respects are the most demanding
the biggest high can also be the deadliest. The individual consumer
of purchasers of almost anything, in effect have relinquished indi-
of a bad drug probably won’t be able to complain about the prod-
vidual control over what would seem to be the most fundamental of
uct—i.e., he will be dead. However, the word on the street quickly
decisions—i.e., those involving health and life itself.
dampens sales. Given the volume of illicit drug sales, deaths attrib-
It seems inescapable that in the near future at least, political
utable to “bad product” (instead of consumer abuse) seem minus-
“debate” will contest the amounts and types of various subsidies and
cule. The police and health authorities in such instances probably
regulations mainly to Medicare’s prescription drug consumers—but
are among the last to be informed, and by the time they take action
not the fundamental effects of the subsidies and regulations them-
the drugs in question already are off the market.
selves. From a broad economic perspective, the differences in the
Similarly, the most powerful of life saving prescription drugs
Medicare prescription drug policies of the two main contenders in
can also be life threatening (just read the reports on contraindications
the current presidential campaign are minuscule—and a simple rec-
of any of the bestsellers) and, again, the consumers of such products
ognition that most other insureds already have prescription drug
(i.e., dead patients) may not be in a position to complain about the
coverage. Indeed, the vast majority of today’s prescription drug pa-
results. But unlike the circumstance with illegal drugs, there is little
tients would seem to enjoy, or at least not object to, their status as the
direct feedback to consumers or their relations—who lack both the
most “protected” of consumers. Most probably, demands for con-
information and the decision-making authority even of illicit drug
sumer drug subsidies will grow as effective drug therapies become
consumers. In almost all circumstances, it is the doctor or the in-
available for more and more clinical conditions.
surer who makes decisions about the best course of action. Con-
The politicians cannot be expected to reveal that current trends
sumers are told what they should (or are allowed to) “buy” and take
actually favor lower prescription drug costs for the most widely
the consequences. From a market perspective, the consumer feed-
prescribed conditions. It is, after all, in the nature of most subsidies
back (i.e., sales) that determines the fate of most products does not
that they be proposed only after markets have demonstrated that
apply in prescription drug transactions. The invitation to advertis-
ing abuses seems obvious: when the target of advertising is second-
References
party to the outcome of consumption (i.e., the doctor or insurer),almost anything goes.
The Kaiser Family Foundation, July 2000. Prescription Drug
The received wisdom has been that only additional interven-
Trends: A Chartbook. Accessed July 27 at http://www.kff.org/con-
tion—in this instance from the Food and Drug Administration—can
overcome such market tendencies. Indeed, today pharmaceutical
Earl P. Steinberg, Benjamin Gutierrez, Aiman Momani, Joseph
manufacturers are subject to the most formidable regulatory quality
A. Boscarino, Patricia Neuman, and Patricia Deverka. 2000. “Be-
control and medical efficacy tests ever known. If advertisers flog
yond Survey Data: A Claims-Based Analysis Of Drug Use And
their products in unethical fashion, who cares? The regulators have
Spending By The Elderly.” Health Affairs, March/April.
guaranteed that products approved for market are all good drugs (just
The National Institute for Health Care Management and Educa-
as the Securities and Exchange Commission certifies as bona fide all
tional Foundation, 1999. Factors Affecting the Growth of Prescrip-
publicly traded stocks). In broad perspective it seems ironic that Ameri-
tion Drug Expenditures. Prepared by Barents Group LLC. Economic Education Bulletin (ISSN 0424-2769) (USPS 167-360) is published once a month at Great Barrington, Massachusetts, by American Institute for Economic Research, a scientific and educational organization with no stockholders, chartered under Chapter 180 of the General Laws of Massachu- setts. Periodical postage paid at Great Barrington, Massachusetts. Printed in the United States of America. Subscription: $25 per year. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to Economic Education Bulletin, American Institute for Economic Research, Great Barrington, Massachusetts 01230. ECONOMIC EDUCATION BULLETIN
Detection of Chiral Drugs Using HPLC with CD Detection Recent American Food and Drug Administration Experimental guidelines have effectively determined that mixtures of chiral compounds can no longer be brought to the A prescription Naproxen tablet (500mg) and an over the pharmaceuticals market place. For new counter naproxen sodium tablet (220mg), were pharmaceuticals, each ch